Boyz 'N the Hood
The American Lawyer (March 1996)

By Martin Kimel

   Color Lines: The Troubled Dreams of Racial Harmony in an American Town  by Mike Kelly  (NEW YORK: WILLIAM MORROW & CO. 1995: 487 PAGES: $ 25).

   IN COLOR LINES: The Troubled Dreams of Racial Harmony in an American Town,  journalist Mike Kelly documents one suburban community's -- my hometown's --  nightmarish realization that it is fractured along racial lines. The crisis that  literally brought this home was set off by a white police officer's fatal  shooting of a black teenager. That all this happened in progressive Teaneck, New  Jersey, the first town in the country to vote to integrate its school system,  bodes ill for race relations nationwide.

   The shooting and its tumultuous aftermath make for a gripping story,  encompassing a race riot, two grand juries, protest marches, and a trial  acquitting the officer. The tragedy's dramatis personae include Jesse Jackson,  then-governor Jim Florio, and controversial black activist Al Sharpton. There is  even a (thankfully) brief appearance by Louis Farrakhan. It is an important  story, which Kelly, a Teaneck resident, tells with impressive thoroughness and  objectivity.

   Just five miles west of Manhattan, Teaneck has often been called a model  American town, with its manicured middle-class lawns and first-rate high school.  In the 1950s, the township was among the first northern New Jersey suburbs to  welcome Jews and blacks.

   By the end of the 1980s, though, life for some blacks in Teaneck had come to  resemble the disturbing film Boyz 'n the Hood. In Teaneck, it was as if New York  City's woes had crossed the Hudson and traveled up Route 4 to the town -- as  Sharpton and his bused-in protesters were to do later.

SHOT IN THE BACK

   In 1989 over 30 percent of black students eligible to enroll at Teaneck High  School were attending private schools instead, their parents often citing  concerns about black-on-black violence in the high school and peer pressure to  eschew academic success. Fifty percent of eligible whites had similarly opted  out of the public school. In 1989 Phillip Pannell, the young man at the center  of Color Lines, belonged to a Teaneck High gang calling themselves "the Baddy  Boys," later renamed "the Violators." Pannell and his friends defended their  Teaneck turf -- "the Neck," they called it -- against incursions by other black  gangs from neighboring towns. At 15, Pannell possessed an arrest record that had  already gone beyond vandalism and theft to include aggravated assault.

   Despite attempts by Pannell's mother and high school administrators to  intervene, Pannell continued his antisocial ways -- until, on April 10, 1990, a  black homeowner reported him to the police for brandishing a pistol. After a  chase on foot, a young police officer named Gary Spath shot Pannell -- in the  back. Spath and his partner claimed that Pannell had been reaching in his pocket  for the gun he was carrying. Other witnesses maintained that Pannell had his  hands raised in surrender.

   The day after the shooting, a rally in front of the town hall erupted into a  riot. Disregarding appeals against violence by Pannell's father, black teens  overturned police cars, smashed windows of the municipal building, police  station, and public library, and assaulted white bystanders. (While covering the  rally, Kelly himself was hit in the back of the head by a thrown stone.) Several  kids also looted nearby stores. When the police responded by blocking the  entrance to the town's main shopping district, one young African-American  complained to a white Lutheran minister that the police were only interested in  "protecting the Jews in this town," shocking the already dismayed clergyman.

   Kelly vividly recreates such scenes, basing his richly detailed account on  court transcripts, his own contemporaneous reporting, and extensive interviews  with the friends and family of Spath and Pannell, as well as with other  important participants.

   The author also succeeds in bringing out the motivations of those involved.  For instance, to help explain why teenagers would throw an oil drum through the  window of a mom-and-pop Greek delicatessen, Kelly provides this April 1990  interview with a black teen who went by the street name of "O. J.":

   "This place shouldn't have gotten trashed," he said. "These people are cool  here. They're nice. But how do you feel about justice for the black man? Why  does a cop go shooting a person in the back? That's the reason this place was  trashed. If we could have gotten to the cop, this place wouldn't have been  damaged. There's no justice, no peace."

   His cheek muscles tightened; his eyes narrowed. He spun on his heel and  walked away. "Damn," he muttered.

   The author offers no grand judgments. While, for example, he spends much time  discussing the numerous problems that Pannell's father himself had with the law,  it is up to the reader to decide what to make of this information. Does it  absolve Pannell of responsibility for his own violent behavior? Or does it  suggest that the young man's family life was such that increased recreational  activities and other measures demanded by some Teaneck residents would likely  not have been enough to save him? Kelly does not pose such questions, much less  answer them.

   As Kelly notes in his prologue, to write about race in America today is to  navigate minefields. Still, he manages to write with unflinching candor about  the sensitive subjects of black crime, white flight, and police harassment.  Kelly pulls this off, I think, by being scrupulously honest. If he shows us  rampaging black teenagers, he also stops to show us a black couple that offered  to help a white female reporter during the disturbance, and he reports the  couple's own fear that they would be mistaken by the police for rioters.

   It also helps that Kelly writes with obvious admiration for persons of  goodwill on both sides of the Teaneck color line, those who tried to unite -- or  at least calm -- a tense, angry, and racially divided community in the two years  following the shooting, up through Spath's 1992 manslaughter trial.

RISING FROM THE ASHES

   In his epilogue, Kelly notes that much has changed in the past five years,  with some now questioning whether Teaneck's integrationist dream died with  Pannell. In 1983, whites accounted for 53 percent of the students at Teaneck  High School. By 1995, this number had dropped to 35 percent, even though whites  constituted over two-thirds of the town's population.

   Nationally, the separatist trend is also reflected in the rise of Farrakhan
 -- who only five years ago was depicted as following Sharptons lead, and whom a  local NAACP official actually tried to bar from the wake for Pannell. (Sharpton  and Farrakhan barreled their way in over the local man's objection.)

   Trying to find some good news with which to end this case study of seemingly  intractable polarization, Kelly notes that Pannell's best friend, Batron  Johnson, turned away from violence and graduated from Teaneck High School in  1992, proceeding on to college despite his upset at the all-white jury's  acquittal of Spath. The author also notes that the Teaneck Police Department had  made significant progress by 1995 in diversifying the composition of its force.

   What Kelly doesn't mention is that this more diverse force is now housed in a  new, fortress-like police station.


Martin Kimel, an attorney in Washington, D.C., writes  frequently on legal topics. He visits Teaneck regularly.